Thank you very much. I have many friends to thank tonight. I thank the voters who supported me. I thank the gallant men who entered the contest for this presidency this year and who have honored me with their support. And, for their kind and stirring words, I thank Gov. Tom Kean of New Jersey, Sen. Phil Gramm of Texas, President Gerald Ford and my friend, President Ronald Reagan. I accept your nomination for president. I mean to run hard, to fight hard, to stand on the issues and I mean to win. There are a lot of great stories in politics about the underdog winning, and this is going to be one of them. And we're going to win with the help of Sen. Dan Quayle of Indiana, a young leader who has become a forceful voice in preparing America's workers for the labor force of the future. What a superb job he did here, tonight. Born in the middle of the century, in the middle of America and holding the promise of the future—I'm proud to have Dan Quayle at my side. Many of you have asked, . Ronald Reagan asked for, and received, my candor. He never asked for, but he did receive, my loyalty. This late-evening news. And those of you who saw the president's speech last week and listened to the simple truth of his words will understand my loyalty all these years. But now, you must see me for what I am: the Republican candidate for president of the United States. And now I turn to the American people to share my hopes and intentions, and why and where I wish to lead. And so tonight is for big things. But I'll try to be fair to the other side. I'll try to hold my charisma in check and, uh, no, I reject the temptation to engage in personal references. My approach this evening is, as Sgt. Joe Friday used to say, . I seek the presidency to build a better America. It's that simple and that big. I am a man who sees life in terms of missions—missions defined and missions completed. And when I was a torpedo- bomber pilot, they defined the mission for us. Hillary's America: The Secret History. 100%: Supergirl: No Score Yet: 2 Broke Girls: No Score Yet: Freakish. Triumphs: 1900-1990 (1991). And before we took off, we all understood that, no matter what, you try to reach the target. And there have been other missions for me—Congress, China, the CIA. But I am here tonight, and I am your candidate, because the most important work of my life is to complete the mission we started in 1. And how do we complete it? We build on it. The stakes are high this year, and the choice is crucial, for the differences between the two candidates are as deep and wide as they have ever been in our long history. Not only two very different men but two very different ideas of the future will be voted on this Election Day. And what it all comes down to is this: My opponent's view of the world sees a long slow decline for our country, an inevitable fall mandated by impersonal historical forces. But America is not in decline. America is a rising nation. He sees America as another pleasant country on the U. N. And I see merica as the leader, a unique nation with a special role in the world. And this has been called the American Century because, in it, we were the dominant force for good in the world. We saved Europe, cured polio, went to the moon and lit the world with our culture. And now we're on the verge of a new century, and what country's name will it bear? I say it will be another American century. Our work is not done; our force is not spent. There are those who say there isn't much of a difference this year. But America, don't let 'em fool ya. Two parties this year ask for your support. Both will speak of growth and peace, but only one has proved it can deliver. Two parties this year ask for your trust, but only one has earned it. Eight years ago, I stood here with Ronald Reagan and we promised, together, to break with the past and return America to her greatness. Eight years later, look at what the American people have produced—the highest level of economic growth in our entire history and the lowest level of world tensions in more than 5. Some say, you know some say, this isn't an election about ideology, that it's an election about competence. Well, it's nice of them to want to play on our field. But this election isn't only about competence, for competence is a narrow ideal. Competence makes the trains run on time but doesn't know where they're going. Competence is the creed of the technocrat who makes sure the gears mesh but doesn't for a second understand the magic of the machine. The truth is, this election is about the beliefs we share, the values that we honor and the principles we hold dear. Lunar Eclipses: 1941 - 1950 Fred Espenak. A concise summary of all lunar eclipses from 1941 through 1950 is presented in the table below. AMERICA TONIGHT (1990-1991) IMDB: tt0098739. Actors: Charles Kuralt, Lesley Stahl, Robert Krulwich, Edie Magnus, Fred Melamed. This late-evening news program. Saturday Night Live (season 16). Miss America pageant host Bert Parks makes a cameo. Tonight's TV Schedule; Back; Holiday TV Guide. On ABC,America's Funniest Home Videos premiered as a series at 8:00 on. 1989 TV Schedule 1990 - 1991 TV Schedule ». Tonight's TV Schedule; Back; Holiday TV. 1990 - 1991 TV Schedule. PM 7:00 7:30 8:00 8:30 9:00 9:30 10:00 10:30; ABC. Life Goes On: America's Funniest. But since someone brought up competence, consider the size of our triumph—a record number of Americans at work, a record high percentage of our people with jobs, a record high rate of new businesses, a record high rate of real personal income. These are the facts. And one way you know our opponents know the facts is that, to attack our record, they have to misrepresent it. They call it a Swiss cheese economy. Well, that's the way it may look to the three blind mice. But, when they were in charge, it was all holes and no cheese. Inflation—you know the litany—inflation was 1. We got it down to four. Interest rates were more than 2. Unemployment was up and climbing, and now it's the lowest in 1. My friends, eight years ago this economy was flat on its back—intensive care. And we came in and gave it emergency treatment, got the temperature down by lowering regulation and got the blood pressure down when we lowered taxes. And pretty soon, the patient was up, back on his feet and stronger than ever. And now, who do we hear knocking on the door but the same doctors who made him sick, and they're telling us to put them in charge of the case again. My friends, they're lucky we don't hit 'em with a malpractice suit. We've created 1. 7 million new jobs the past five years, more than twice as many as Europe and Japan combined, and they're good jobs. The majority of them created in the past six years paid an average—average—of more than $2. And someone better take . The fact is: They talk, and we deliver. They promise, and we perform. And there are millions of young Americans in their 2. And now they're marrying and starting careers. And to those young people I say, . And to the women of America, I say, . You're gaining economic power, and I'm not going to let them take it away from you. We arrested it, and we're not going to let it out on furlough. And we're going to keep that Social Security trust fund sound and out of reach of the big spenders. To America's elderly, I say, . They're worried it's going to remain strong. With the right leadership, it will remain strong. But let's be frank. Things aren't perfect in this country. There are people who haven't tasted the fruits of the expansion. I've talked to farmers about the bills they can't pay, and I've been to the factories that feel the strain of change. And I've seen the urban children who play amidst the shattered glass and shattered lives. And there are the homeless. And you know, it doesn't do any good to debate endlessly which policy mistake of the '7. They're there, and we have to help them. But what we must remember, if we're to be responsible and compassionate, is that economic growth is the key to our endeavors. I want growth that stays, that broadens, that touches, finally, all Americans, from the hollows of Kentucky to the sunlit streets of Denver, from the suburbs of Chicago to the broad avenues of New York, from the oil fields of Oklahoma to the farms of the Great Plains. And can we do it? And if we continue to grow at our current rate, we will be able to produce 3. And we will do it by maintaining our commitment to free and fair trade, by keeping government spending down and by keeping taxes down. Our economic life is not the only test of our success. One issue overwhelms all the others, and that's the issue of peace. And look at the world on this bright August night. The spirit of democracy is sweeping the Pacific rim. China feels the winds of change. New democracies assert themselves in South America. And one by one, the unfree places fall, not to the force of arms but to the force of an idea: Freedom works. And we have a new relationship with the Soviet Union: the INF . Iran and Iraq move toward peace. It's a watershed. It is no accident. It happened when we acted on the ancient knowledge that strength and clarity lead to peace; weakness and ambivalence lead to war. You see, weakness tempts aggressors. I will not allow this country to be made weak again, never. The tremors in the Soviet world continue. The hard earth there has not yet settled. Perhaps what is happening will change our world forever and perhaps not. A prudent skepticism is in order, and so is hope. But, either way, we're in an unprecedented position to change the nature of our relationship—not by pre- emptive concession but by keeping our strength, not by yielding up defense systems with nothing won in return but by hard, cool engagement in the tug and pull of diplomacy. My life has been lived in the shadow of war. I almost lost my life in one, and I hate war, love peace. And we have peace, and I am not going to let anyone take it away from us. Our economy is strong but not invulnerable, and the peace is broad but can be broken. And now we must decide. We will surely have change this year, but will it be change that moves us forward or change that risks retreat? In 1. 94. 0, when I was barely more than a boy, Franklin Roosevelt said we shouldn't change horses in midstream. My friends, these days the world moves even more quickly, and now, after two great terms, a switch will be made. But when you have to change horses in midstream, doesn't it make sense to switch to one who's going the same way? An election that's about ideas and values is also about philosophy, and I have one. At the bright center is the individual. And radiating out from him or her is the family, the essential unit of closeness and of love. For it's the family that communicates to our children, to the 2.
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